Swethaa S. Ballakrishnen
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691182537
- eISBN:
- 9780691199993
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182537.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
In India, elite law firms offer a surprising oasis for women within a hostile, predominantly male industry. Less than 10 percent of the country's lawyers are female, but women in the most prestigious ...
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In India, elite law firms offer a surprising oasis for women within a hostile, predominantly male industry. Less than 10 percent of the country's lawyers are female, but women in the most prestigious firms are significantly represented both at entry and partnership. Elite workspaces are notorious for being unfriendly to new actors, so what allows for aberration in certain workspaces? This book examines how a range of underlying mechanisms — gendered socialization and essentialism, family structures and dynamics, and firm and regulatory histories — afford certain professionals egalitarian outcomes that are not available to their local and global peers. Juxtaposing findings on the legal profession with those on elite consulting firms, the book reveals that parity arises not from a commitment to create feminist organizations, but from structural factors that incidentally come together to do gender differently. Simultaneously, the book offers notes of caution: while conditional convergence may create equality in ways that more targeted endeavors fail to achieve, “accidental” developments are hard to replicate, and are, in this case, buttressed by embedded inequalities. The book examines whether gender parity produced without institutional sanction should still be considered feminist. In offering new ways to think about equality movements and outcomes, the book forces readers to critically consider the work of intention in progress narratives.Less
In India, elite law firms offer a surprising oasis for women within a hostile, predominantly male industry. Less than 10 percent of the country's lawyers are female, but women in the most prestigious firms are significantly represented both at entry and partnership. Elite workspaces are notorious for being unfriendly to new actors, so what allows for aberration in certain workspaces? This book examines how a range of underlying mechanisms — gendered socialization and essentialism, family structures and dynamics, and firm and regulatory histories — afford certain professionals egalitarian outcomes that are not available to their local and global peers. Juxtaposing findings on the legal profession with those on elite consulting firms, the book reveals that parity arises not from a commitment to create feminist organizations, but from structural factors that incidentally come together to do gender differently. Simultaneously, the book offers notes of caution: while conditional convergence may create equality in ways that more targeted endeavors fail to achieve, “accidental” developments are hard to replicate, and are, in this case, buttressed by embedded inequalities. The book examines whether gender parity produced without institutional sanction should still be considered feminist. In offering new ways to think about equality movements and outcomes, the book forces readers to critically consider the work of intention in progress narratives.
Erik Voeten
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691207322
- eISBN:
- 9780691207339
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691207322.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Today's liberal international institutional order is being challenged by the rising power of illiberal states and by domestic political changes inside liberal states. Against such a backdrop, this ...
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Today's liberal international institutional order is being challenged by the rising power of illiberal states and by domestic political changes inside liberal states. Against such a backdrop, this book offers a broader understanding of international institutions by arguing that the politics of multilateralism has always been based on ideology and ideological divisions. The book develops new theories and measures to make sense of past and current challenges to multilateral institutions. It presents a straightforward theoretical framework that analyzes multilateral institutions as attempts by states to shift the policies of others toward their preferred ideological positions. It then measures how states have positioned themselves in global ideological conflicts during the past seventy-five years. Empirical chapters illustrate how ideological struggles shape the design of international institutions, membership in international institutions, and the critical role of multilateral institutions in militarized conflicts. The book also examines populism's rise and other ideological threats to the liberal international order. It explores the essential ways in which ideological contestation has influenced world politics.Less
Today's liberal international institutional order is being challenged by the rising power of illiberal states and by domestic political changes inside liberal states. Against such a backdrop, this book offers a broader understanding of international institutions by arguing that the politics of multilateralism has always been based on ideology and ideological divisions. The book develops new theories and measures to make sense of past and current challenges to multilateral institutions. It presents a straightforward theoretical framework that analyzes multilateral institutions as attempts by states to shift the policies of others toward their preferred ideological positions. It then measures how states have positioned themselves in global ideological conflicts during the past seventy-five years. Empirical chapters illustrate how ideological struggles shape the design of international institutions, membership in international institutions, and the critical role of multilateral institutions in militarized conflicts. The book also examines populism's rise and other ideological threats to the liberal international order. It explores the essential ways in which ideological contestation has influenced world politics.
Katy Hull
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691208107
- eISBN:
- 9780691208121
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691208107.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In the interwar years, the United States grappled with economic volatility, and Americans expressed anxieties about a decline in moral values, the erosion of families and communities, and the decay ...
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In the interwar years, the United States grappled with economic volatility, and Americans expressed anxieties about a decline in moral values, the erosion of families and communities, and the decay of democracy. These issues prompted a profound ambivalence toward modernity, leading some individuals to turn to Italian fascism as a possible solution for the problems facing the country. This book delves into why Americans of all stripes sympathized with Italian fascism, and shows that fascism's appeal rested in the image of Mussolini's regime as “the machine which will run and has a soul” — a seemingly efficient and technologically advanced system that upheld tradition, religion, and family. This book focuses on four prominent American sympathizers: Richard Washburn Child, a conservative diplomat and Republican operative; Anne O'Hare McCormick, a distinguished New York Times journalist; Generoso Pope, an Italian-American publisher and Democratic political broker; and Herbert Wallace Schneider, a Columbia University professor of moral philosophy. In fascism's violent squads they saw youthful glamour and impeccable manners, in the megalomaniacal Mussolini they perceived someone both current and old-fashioned, and in the corporate state they witnessed a politics that could revive addled minds. They argued that with the right course of action, the United States could use fascism to take the best from modernity while withstanding its harmful effects. Investigating the motivations of American fascist sympathizers, the book offers provocative lessons about authoritarianism's appeal during times of intense cultural, social, and economic strain.Less
In the interwar years, the United States grappled with economic volatility, and Americans expressed anxieties about a decline in moral values, the erosion of families and communities, and the decay of democracy. These issues prompted a profound ambivalence toward modernity, leading some individuals to turn to Italian fascism as a possible solution for the problems facing the country. This book delves into why Americans of all stripes sympathized with Italian fascism, and shows that fascism's appeal rested in the image of Mussolini's regime as “the machine which will run and has a soul” — a seemingly efficient and technologically advanced system that upheld tradition, religion, and family. This book focuses on four prominent American sympathizers: Richard Washburn Child, a conservative diplomat and Republican operative; Anne O'Hare McCormick, a distinguished New York Times journalist; Generoso Pope, an Italian-American publisher and Democratic political broker; and Herbert Wallace Schneider, a Columbia University professor of moral philosophy. In fascism's violent squads they saw youthful glamour and impeccable manners, in the megalomaniacal Mussolini they perceived someone both current and old-fashioned, and in the corporate state they witnessed a politics that could revive addled minds. They argued that with the right course of action, the United States could use fascism to take the best from modernity while withstanding its harmful effects. Investigating the motivations of American fascist sympathizers, the book offers provocative lessons about authoritarianism's appeal during times of intense cultural, social, and economic strain.
David Todd
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691171838
- eISBN:
- 9780691205342
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691171838.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
After Napoleon's downfall in 1815, France embraced a mostly informal style of empire, one that emphasized economic and cultural influence rather than military conquest. This book is a global history ...
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After Napoleon's downfall in 1815, France embraced a mostly informal style of empire, one that emphasized economic and cultural influence rather than military conquest. This book is a global history of French imperialism in the nineteenth century, providing new insights into the mechanisms of imperial collaboration that extended France's power from the Middle East to Latin America and ushered in the modern age of globalization. The book shows how French elites pursued a cunning strategy of imperial expansion in which conspicuous commodities, such as champagne and silk textiles, together with loans to client states, contributed to a global campaign of seduction. French imperialism was no less brutal than that of the British. But while Britain widened its imperial reach through settler colonialism and the acquisition of far-flung territories, France built a “velvet” empire backed by frequent military interventions and a broadening extraterritorial jurisdiction. The book demonstrates how France drew vast benefits from these asymmetric, imperial-like relations until a succession of setbacks around the world brought about their unravelling in the 1870s. It sheds light on France's neglected contribution to the conservative reinvention of modernity and offers a new interpretation of the resurgence of French colonialism on a global scale after 1880. It also highlights the crucial role of collaboration among European empires during this period and cooperation with indigenous elites in facilitating imperial expansion and the globalization of capitalism.Less
After Napoleon's downfall in 1815, France embraced a mostly informal style of empire, one that emphasized economic and cultural influence rather than military conquest. This book is a global history of French imperialism in the nineteenth century, providing new insights into the mechanisms of imperial collaboration that extended France's power from the Middle East to Latin America and ushered in the modern age of globalization. The book shows how French elites pursued a cunning strategy of imperial expansion in which conspicuous commodities, such as champagne and silk textiles, together with loans to client states, contributed to a global campaign of seduction. French imperialism was no less brutal than that of the British. But while Britain widened its imperial reach through settler colonialism and the acquisition of far-flung territories, France built a “velvet” empire backed by frequent military interventions and a broadening extraterritorial jurisdiction. The book demonstrates how France drew vast benefits from these asymmetric, imperial-like relations until a succession of setbacks around the world brought about their unravelling in the 1870s. It sheds light on France's neglected contribution to the conservative reinvention of modernity and offers a new interpretation of the resurgence of French colonialism on a global scale after 1880. It also highlights the crucial role of collaboration among European empires during this period and cooperation with indigenous elites in facilitating imperial expansion and the globalization of capitalism.
Jérémie Szeftel and Sergiu Klainerman
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691212425
- eISBN:
- 9780691218526
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691212425.001.0001
- Subject:
- Mathematics, Geometry / Topology
One of the major outstanding questions about black holes is whether they remain stable when subject to small perturbations. An affirmative answer to this question would provide strong theoretical ...
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One of the major outstanding questions about black holes is whether they remain stable when subject to small perturbations. An affirmative answer to this question would provide strong theoretical support for the physical reality of black holes. This book takes an important step toward solving the fundamental black hole stability problem in general relativity by establishing the stability of nonrotating black holes — or Schwarzschild spacetimes — under so-called polarized perturbations. This restriction ensures that the final state of evolution is itself a Schwarzschild space. Building on the remarkable advances made in the past fifteen years in establishing quantitative linear stability, the book introduces a series of new ideas to deal with the strongly nonlinear, covariant features of the Einstein equations. Most preeminent among them is the general covariant modulation (GCM) procedure that allows them to determine the center of mass frame and the mass of the final black hole state. Essential reading for mathematicians and physicists alike, the book introduces a rich theoretical framework relevant to situations such as the full setting of the Kerr stability conjecture.Less
One of the major outstanding questions about black holes is whether they remain stable when subject to small perturbations. An affirmative answer to this question would provide strong theoretical support for the physical reality of black holes. This book takes an important step toward solving the fundamental black hole stability problem in general relativity by establishing the stability of nonrotating black holes — or Schwarzschild spacetimes — under so-called polarized perturbations. This restriction ensures that the final state of evolution is itself a Schwarzschild space. Building on the remarkable advances made in the past fifteen years in establishing quantitative linear stability, the book introduces a series of new ideas to deal with the strongly nonlinear, covariant features of the Einstein equations. Most preeminent among them is the general covariant modulation (GCM) procedure that allows them to determine the center of mass frame and the mass of the final black hole state. Essential reading for mathematicians and physicists alike, the book introduces a rich theoretical framework relevant to situations such as the full setting of the Kerr stability conjecture.
Duncan Bell
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691194011
- eISBN:
- 9780691208671
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691194011.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Between the late nineteenth century and the First World War an ocean-spanning network of prominent individuals advocated the unification of Britain and the United States. They dreamt of the final ...
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Between the late nineteenth century and the First World War an ocean-spanning network of prominent individuals advocated the unification of Britain and the United States. They dreamt of the final consolidation of the Angloworld. Scholars, journalists, politicians, businessmen, and science fiction writers invested the “Anglo-Saxons” with extraordinary power. The most ambitious hailed them as a people destined to bring peace and justice to the earth. More modest visions still imagined them as likely to shape the twentieth century. This book explores this remarkable moment in the intellectual history of racial domination, political utopianism, and world order. Focusing on a quartet of extraordinary figures, the book shows how unionists on both sides of the Atlantic reimagined citizenship, empire, patriotism, race, war, and peace in their quest to secure global supremacy. Yet even as they dreamt of an Anglo-dominated world, the unionists disagreed over the meaning of race, the legitimacy of imperialism, the nature of political belonging, and the ultimate form and purpose of unification. The racial dreamworld was an object of competing claims and fantasies. Exploring speculative fiction as well as more conventional forms of political writing, the author reads unionist arguments as expressions of the utopianism circulating through fin-de-siècle Anglo-American culture, and juxtaposes them with pan-Africanist critiques of racial domination and late twentieth-century fictional narratives of Anglo-American empire. Tracing how intellectual elites promoted an ambitious project of political and racial unification between Britain and the United States, the book analyzes ideas of empire and world order that reverberate to this day.Less
Between the late nineteenth century and the First World War an ocean-spanning network of prominent individuals advocated the unification of Britain and the United States. They dreamt of the final consolidation of the Angloworld. Scholars, journalists, politicians, businessmen, and science fiction writers invested the “Anglo-Saxons” with extraordinary power. The most ambitious hailed them as a people destined to bring peace and justice to the earth. More modest visions still imagined them as likely to shape the twentieth century. This book explores this remarkable moment in the intellectual history of racial domination, political utopianism, and world order. Focusing on a quartet of extraordinary figures, the book shows how unionists on both sides of the Atlantic reimagined citizenship, empire, patriotism, race, war, and peace in their quest to secure global supremacy. Yet even as they dreamt of an Anglo-dominated world, the unionists disagreed over the meaning of race, the legitimacy of imperialism, the nature of political belonging, and the ultimate form and purpose of unification. The racial dreamworld was an object of competing claims and fantasies. Exploring speculative fiction as well as more conventional forms of political writing, the author reads unionist arguments as expressions of the utopianism circulating through fin-de-siècle Anglo-American culture, and juxtaposes them with pan-Africanist critiques of racial domination and late twentieth-century fictional narratives of Anglo-American empire. Tracing how intellectual elites promoted an ambitious project of political and racial unification between Britain and the United States, the book analyzes ideas of empire and world order that reverberate to this day.
Paul Lichterman
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691177519
- eISBN:
- 9780691200040
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691177519.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
This book renews the tradition of inquiry into collective, social problem-solving. The book follows grassroots activists, nonprofit organization staff, and community service volunteers in three ...
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This book renews the tradition of inquiry into collective, social problem-solving. The book follows grassroots activists, nonprofit organization staff, and community service volunteers in three coalitions and twelve organizations in Los Angeles as they campaign for affordable housing, develop new housing, or address homelessness. The book shows that to understand how social advocates build their campaigns, craft claims, and choose goals, we need to move beyond well-established thinking about what is strategic. The book presents a pragmatist-inspired sociological framework that illuminates core tasks of social problem-solving by grassroots and professional advocates alike. It reveals that advocates' distinct styles of collective action produce different understandings of what is strategic, and generate different dilemmas for advocates because each style accommodates varying social and institutional pressures. We see, too, how patterns of interaction create a cultural filter that welcomes some claims about housing problems while subordinating or delegitimating others. These cultural patterns help solve conceptual and practical puzzles, such as why coalitions fragment when members agree on many things, and what makes advocacy campaigns separate housing from homelessness or affordability from environmental sustainability. The book concludes by turning this action-centered framework toward improving dialogue between social advocates and researchers.Less
This book renews the tradition of inquiry into collective, social problem-solving. The book follows grassroots activists, nonprofit organization staff, and community service volunteers in three coalitions and twelve organizations in Los Angeles as they campaign for affordable housing, develop new housing, or address homelessness. The book shows that to understand how social advocates build their campaigns, craft claims, and choose goals, we need to move beyond well-established thinking about what is strategic. The book presents a pragmatist-inspired sociological framework that illuminates core tasks of social problem-solving by grassroots and professional advocates alike. It reveals that advocates' distinct styles of collective action produce different understandings of what is strategic, and generate different dilemmas for advocates because each style accommodates varying social and institutional pressures. We see, too, how patterns of interaction create a cultural filter that welcomes some claims about housing problems while subordinating or delegitimating others. These cultural patterns help solve conceptual and practical puzzles, such as why coalitions fragment when members agree on many things, and what makes advocacy campaigns separate housing from homelessness or affordability from environmental sustainability. The book concludes by turning this action-centered framework toward improving dialogue between social advocates and researchers.
Bryn Rosenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691192185
- eISBN:
- 9780691209777
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691192185.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Conventional wisdom holds that the rising middle-classes are a force for democracy. Yet in post-Soviet countries like Russia, where the middle-class has grown rapidly, authoritarianism is deepening. ...
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Conventional wisdom holds that the rising middle-classes are a force for democracy. Yet in post-Soviet countries like Russia, where the middle-class has grown rapidly, authoritarianism is deepening. Challenging a basic tenet of democratization theory, this book shows how the middle-classes can actually be a source of support for autocracy and authoritarian resilience, and reveals why development and economic growth do not necessarily lead to greater democracy. In pursuit of development, authoritarian states often employ large swaths of the middle-class in state administration, the government budget sector, and state enterprises. Drawing on attitudinal surveys, unique data on protest behavior, and extensive fieldwork in the post-Soviet region, the book documents how the failure of the middle-class to gain economic autonomy from the state stymies support for political change, and how state economic engagement reduces middle-class demands for democracy and weakens prodemocratic coalitions. This book makes a vital contribution to the study of democratization, showing how dependence on the state weakens the incentives of key societal actors to prefer and pursue democracy.Less
Conventional wisdom holds that the rising middle-classes are a force for democracy. Yet in post-Soviet countries like Russia, where the middle-class has grown rapidly, authoritarianism is deepening. Challenging a basic tenet of democratization theory, this book shows how the middle-classes can actually be a source of support for autocracy and authoritarian resilience, and reveals why development and economic growth do not necessarily lead to greater democracy. In pursuit of development, authoritarian states often employ large swaths of the middle-class in state administration, the government budget sector, and state enterprises. Drawing on attitudinal surveys, unique data on protest behavior, and extensive fieldwork in the post-Soviet region, the book documents how the failure of the middle-class to gain economic autonomy from the state stymies support for political change, and how state economic engagement reduces middle-class demands for democracy and weakens prodemocratic coalitions. This book makes a vital contribution to the study of democratization, showing how dependence on the state weakens the incentives of key societal actors to prefer and pursue democracy.
Danilo Mandić
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691187884
- eISBN:
- 9780691200057
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691187884.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Separatism has been on the rise across the world since the end of the Cold War, dividing countries through political strife, ethnic conflict, and civil war, and redrawing the political map. This book ...
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Separatism has been on the rise across the world since the end of the Cold War, dividing countries through political strife, ethnic conflict, and civil war, and redrawing the political map. This book examines the role transnational mafias play in the success and failure of separatist movements, challenging conventional wisdom about the interrelation of organized crime with peacebuilding, nationalism, and state making. The book demonstrates how globalized mafias shape the politics of borders in torn states, shedding critical light on an autonomous nonstate actor that has been largely sidelined by considerations of geopolitics, state-centered agency, and ethnonationalism. Blending extensive archival sleuthing and original ethnographic data with insights from sociology and other disciplines, the book argues that organized crime can be a fateful determinant of state capacity, separatist success, and ethnic conflict. Putting mafias at the center of global processes of separatism and territorial consolidation, the book raises vital questions and urges reconsideration of a host of separatist cases in West Africa, the Middle East, and East Europe.Less
Separatism has been on the rise across the world since the end of the Cold War, dividing countries through political strife, ethnic conflict, and civil war, and redrawing the political map. This book examines the role transnational mafias play in the success and failure of separatist movements, challenging conventional wisdom about the interrelation of organized crime with peacebuilding, nationalism, and state making. The book demonstrates how globalized mafias shape the politics of borders in torn states, shedding critical light on an autonomous nonstate actor that has been largely sidelined by considerations of geopolitics, state-centered agency, and ethnonationalism. Blending extensive archival sleuthing and original ethnographic data with insights from sociology and other disciplines, the book argues that organized crime can be a fateful determinant of state capacity, separatist success, and ethnic conflict. Putting mafias at the center of global processes of separatism and territorial consolidation, the book raises vital questions and urges reconsideration of a host of separatist cases in West Africa, the Middle East, and East Europe.
Gopal Sreenivasan
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691134550
- eISBN:
- 9780691208701
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134550.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
What must a person be like to possess a virtue in full measure? What sort of psychological constitution does one need to be an exemplar of compassion, say, or of courage? Focusing on these two ...
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What must a person be like to possess a virtue in full measure? What sort of psychological constitution does one need to be an exemplar of compassion, say, or of courage? Focusing on these two examples, this book ingeniously argues that certain emotion traits play an indispensable role in virtue. With exemplars of compassion, for instance, this role is played by a modified sympathy trait, which is central to enabling these exemplars to be reliably correct judges of the compassionate thing to do in various practical situations. Indeed, according to the book, the virtue of compassion is, in a sense, a modified sympathy trait, just as courage is a modified fear trait. While the book upholds the traditional definition of virtue as a species of character trait, it discards other traditional precepts. For example, the book rejects the unity of the virtues and raises new questions about when virtue should be taught. Unlike orthodox virtue ethics, moreover, this account does not aspire to rival consequentialism and deontology. Instead the book repudiates the ambitions of virtue imperialism, and makes significant contributions to moral psychology and the theory of virtue alike.Less
What must a person be like to possess a virtue in full measure? What sort of psychological constitution does one need to be an exemplar of compassion, say, or of courage? Focusing on these two examples, this book ingeniously argues that certain emotion traits play an indispensable role in virtue. With exemplars of compassion, for instance, this role is played by a modified sympathy trait, which is central to enabling these exemplars to be reliably correct judges of the compassionate thing to do in various practical situations. Indeed, according to the book, the virtue of compassion is, in a sense, a modified sympathy trait, just as courage is a modified fear trait. While the book upholds the traditional definition of virtue as a species of character trait, it discards other traditional precepts. For example, the book rejects the unity of the virtues and raises new questions about when virtue should be taught. Unlike orthodox virtue ethics, moreover, this account does not aspire to rival consequentialism and deontology. Instead the book repudiates the ambitions of virtue imperialism, and makes significant contributions to moral psychology and the theory of virtue alike.
Chiara Cordelli
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691205755
- eISBN:
- 9780691211732
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691205755.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Many governmental functions today — from the management of prisons and welfare offices to warfare and financial regulation — are outsourced to private entities. Education and health care are funded ...
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Many governmental functions today — from the management of prisons and welfare offices to warfare and financial regulation — are outsourced to private entities. Education and health care are funded in part through private philanthropy rather than taxation. Can a privatized government rule legitimately? This book argues that it cannot. It argues that privatization constitutes a regression to a precivil condition — what philosophers centuries ago called “a state of nature.” Developing a compelling case for the democratic state and its administrative apparatus, the book shows how privatization reproduces the very same defects that Enlightenment thinkers attributed to the precivil condition, and which only properly constituted political institutions can overcome — defects such as provisional justice, undue dependence, and unfreedom. The book advocates for constitutional limits on privatization and a more democratic system of public administration, and lays out the central responsibilities of private actors in contexts where governance is already extensively privatized. Charting a way forward, it presents a new conceptual account of political representation and novel philosophical theories of democratic authority and legitimate lawmaking. The book shows how privatization undermines the very reason political institutions exist in the first place, and advocates for a new way of administering public affairs that is more democratic and just.Less
Many governmental functions today — from the management of prisons and welfare offices to warfare and financial regulation — are outsourced to private entities. Education and health care are funded in part through private philanthropy rather than taxation. Can a privatized government rule legitimately? This book argues that it cannot. It argues that privatization constitutes a regression to a precivil condition — what philosophers centuries ago called “a state of nature.” Developing a compelling case for the democratic state and its administrative apparatus, the book shows how privatization reproduces the very same defects that Enlightenment thinkers attributed to the precivil condition, and which only properly constituted political institutions can overcome — defects such as provisional justice, undue dependence, and unfreedom. The book advocates for constitutional limits on privatization and a more democratic system of public administration, and lays out the central responsibilities of private actors in contexts where governance is already extensively privatized. Charting a way forward, it presents a new conceptual account of political representation and novel philosophical theories of democratic authority and legitimate lawmaking. The book shows how privatization undermines the very reason political institutions exist in the first place, and advocates for a new way of administering public affairs that is more democratic and just.
Sean Fleming
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691206462
- eISBN:
- 9780691211282
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691206462.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
States are commonly blamed for wars, called on to apologize, held liable for debts and reparations, bound by treaties, and punished with sanctions. But what does it mean to hold a state responsible ...
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States are commonly blamed for wars, called on to apologize, held liable for debts and reparations, bound by treaties, and punished with sanctions. But what does it mean to hold a state responsible as opposed to a government, a nation, or an individual leader? Under what circumstances should we assign responsibility to states rather than individuals? This book demystifies the phenomenon of state responsibility and explains why it is a challenging yet indispensable part of modern politics. Taking Thomas Hobbes' theory of the state as a starting point, the book presents a theory of state responsibility that sheds new light on sovereign debt, historical reparations, treaty obligations, and economic sanctions. Along the way, it overturns longstanding interpretations of Hobbes' political thought, explores how new technologies will alter the practice of state responsibility as we know it, and develops new accounts of political authority, representation, and legitimacy. The book argues that Hobbes' idea of the state offers a far richer and more realistic conception of state responsibility than the theories prevalent today and demonstrates that Hobbes' Leviathan is much more than an anthropomorphic “artificial man.” The book is essential reading for political theorists, scholars of international relations, international lawyers, and philosophers. It recovers a forgotten understanding of state personality in Hobbes' thought and shows how to apply it to the world of imperfect states in which we live.Less
States are commonly blamed for wars, called on to apologize, held liable for debts and reparations, bound by treaties, and punished with sanctions. But what does it mean to hold a state responsible as opposed to a government, a nation, or an individual leader? Under what circumstances should we assign responsibility to states rather than individuals? This book demystifies the phenomenon of state responsibility and explains why it is a challenging yet indispensable part of modern politics. Taking Thomas Hobbes' theory of the state as a starting point, the book presents a theory of state responsibility that sheds new light on sovereign debt, historical reparations, treaty obligations, and economic sanctions. Along the way, it overturns longstanding interpretations of Hobbes' political thought, explores how new technologies will alter the practice of state responsibility as we know it, and develops new accounts of political authority, representation, and legitimacy. The book argues that Hobbes' idea of the state offers a far richer and more realistic conception of state responsibility than the theories prevalent today and demonstrates that Hobbes' Leviathan is much more than an anthropomorphic “artificial man.” The book is essential reading for political theorists, scholars of international relations, international lawyers, and philosophers. It recovers a forgotten understanding of state personality in Hobbes' thought and shows how to apply it to the world of imperfect states in which we live.
Kattan Gribetz Sarit
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691192857
- eISBN:
- 9780691209807
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691192857.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
The rabbinic corpus begins with a question — “when?” — and is brimming with discussions about time and the relationship between people, God, and the hour. This book explores the rhythms of time that ...
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The rabbinic corpus begins with a question — “when?” — and is brimming with discussions about time and the relationship between people, God, and the hour. This book explores the rhythms of time that animated the rabbinic world of late antiquity, revealing how rabbis conceptualized time as a way of constructing difference between themselves and imperial Rome, Jews and Christians, men and women, and human and divine. Each chapter explores a unique aspect of rabbinic discourse on time. The book shows how the ancient rabbinic texts artfully subvert Roman imperialism by offering “rabbinic time” as an alternative to “Roman time.” It examines rabbinic discourse about the Sabbath, demonstrating how the weekly day of rest marked “Jewish time” from “Christian time.” The book looks at gendered daily rituals, showing how rabbis created “men's time” and “women's time” by mandating certain rituals for men and others for women. The book delves into rabbinic writings that reflect on how God spends time and how God's use of time relates to human beings, merging “divine time” with “human time.” Finally, it traces the legacies of rabbinic constructions of time in the medieval and modern periods. In doing so, the book sheds new light on the central role that time played in the construction of Jewish identity, subjectivity, and theology during this transformative period in the history of Judaism.Less
The rabbinic corpus begins with a question — “when?” — and is brimming with discussions about time and the relationship between people, God, and the hour. This book explores the rhythms of time that animated the rabbinic world of late antiquity, revealing how rabbis conceptualized time as a way of constructing difference between themselves and imperial Rome, Jews and Christians, men and women, and human and divine. Each chapter explores a unique aspect of rabbinic discourse on time. The book shows how the ancient rabbinic texts artfully subvert Roman imperialism by offering “rabbinic time” as an alternative to “Roman time.” It examines rabbinic discourse about the Sabbath, demonstrating how the weekly day of rest marked “Jewish time” from “Christian time.” The book looks at gendered daily rituals, showing how rabbis created “men's time” and “women's time” by mandating certain rituals for men and others for women. The book delves into rabbinic writings that reflect on how God spends time and how God's use of time relates to human beings, merging “divine time” with “human time.” Finally, it traces the legacies of rabbinic constructions of time in the medieval and modern periods. In doing so, the book sheds new light on the central role that time played in the construction of Jewish identity, subjectivity, and theology during this transformative period in the history of Judaism.
Giuseppe Pelli
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691209883
- eISBN:
- 9780691211374
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691209883.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
In 1764, a Milanese aristocrat named Cesare Beccaria created a sensation when he published On Crimes and Punishments. At its centre is a rejection of the death penalty as excessive, unnecessary, and ...
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In 1764, a Milanese aristocrat named Cesare Beccaria created a sensation when he published On Crimes and Punishments. At its centre is a rejection of the death penalty as excessive, unnecessary, and pointless. Beccaria is deservedly regarded as the founding father of modern criminal law reform, yet he was not the first to argue for the abolition of the death penalty. This book presents the first English translation of the Florentine aristocrat Giuseppe Pelli's critique of capital punishment, written three years before Beccaria's treatise, but lost for more than two centuries in the Pelli family archives. The book examines the contrasting arguments of the two abolitionists, who drew from different intellectual traditions. Pelli was a devout Catholic influenced by the writings of natural jurists such as Hugo Grotius, whereas Beccaria was inspired by the French Enlightenment philosophers. While Beccaria attacked the criminal justice system as a whole, Pelli focused on the death penalty, composing a critique of considerable depth and sophistication. The book explores how Beccaria's alternative penalty of forced labour, and its conceptualisation as servitude, were embraced in Britain and America, and delves into Pelli's voluminous diaries, shedding light on Pelli's intellectual development and painting a vivid portrait of an Enlightenment man of letters and of conscience. With translations of letters exchanged by the two abolitionists and selections from Beccaria's writings, the book provides new insights into eighteenth-century debates about capital punishment and offers vital historical perspectives on one of the most pressing questions of our own time.Less
In 1764, a Milanese aristocrat named Cesare Beccaria created a sensation when he published On Crimes and Punishments. At its centre is a rejection of the death penalty as excessive, unnecessary, and pointless. Beccaria is deservedly regarded as the founding father of modern criminal law reform, yet he was not the first to argue for the abolition of the death penalty. This book presents the first English translation of the Florentine aristocrat Giuseppe Pelli's critique of capital punishment, written three years before Beccaria's treatise, but lost for more than two centuries in the Pelli family archives. The book examines the contrasting arguments of the two abolitionists, who drew from different intellectual traditions. Pelli was a devout Catholic influenced by the writings of natural jurists such as Hugo Grotius, whereas Beccaria was inspired by the French Enlightenment philosophers. While Beccaria attacked the criminal justice system as a whole, Pelli focused on the death penalty, composing a critique of considerable depth and sophistication. The book explores how Beccaria's alternative penalty of forced labour, and its conceptualisation as servitude, were embraced in Britain and America, and delves into Pelli's voluminous diaries, shedding light on Pelli's intellectual development and painting a vivid portrait of an Enlightenment man of letters and of conscience. With translations of letters exchanged by the two abolitionists and selections from Beccaria's writings, the book provides new insights into eighteenth-century debates about capital punishment and offers vital historical perspectives on one of the most pressing questions of our own time.
Douglas Mao
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691199252
- eISBN:
- 9780691211640
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691199252.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
Examining literary and philosophical writing about ideal societies from Greek antiquity to the present, this book offers a striking new take on utopia's fundamental project. Noting that utopian ...
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Examining literary and philosophical writing about ideal societies from Greek antiquity to the present, this book offers a striking new take on utopia's fundamental project. Noting that utopian imagining has often been propelled by an angry conviction that society is badly arranged, the book argues that utopia's essential aim has not been to secure happiness, order, or material goods, but rather to establish a condition of justice in which all have what they ought to have. The book also makes the case that hostility to utopias has frequently been associated with a fear that they will transform humanity beyond recognition, doing away with the very subjects who should receive justice in a transformed world. Further, the book shows how utopian writing speaks to contemporary debates about immigration, labor, and other global justice issues. Along the way, the book connects utopia to the Greek concept of nemesis, or indignation at a wrong ordering of things, and advances fresh readings of dozens of writers and thinkers — from Plato, Thomas More, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Edward Bellamy, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and H. G. Wells to John Rawls, Robert Nozick, Fredric Jameson, Ursula Le Guin, Octavia Butler, and Chang-Rae Lee. The book offers a vital reconsideration of what it really means to imagine an ideal society.Less
Examining literary and philosophical writing about ideal societies from Greek antiquity to the present, this book offers a striking new take on utopia's fundamental project. Noting that utopian imagining has often been propelled by an angry conviction that society is badly arranged, the book argues that utopia's essential aim has not been to secure happiness, order, or material goods, but rather to establish a condition of justice in which all have what they ought to have. The book also makes the case that hostility to utopias has frequently been associated with a fear that they will transform humanity beyond recognition, doing away with the very subjects who should receive justice in a transformed world. Further, the book shows how utopian writing speaks to contemporary debates about immigration, labor, and other global justice issues. Along the way, the book connects utopia to the Greek concept of nemesis, or indignation at a wrong ordering of things, and advances fresh readings of dozens of writers and thinkers — from Plato, Thomas More, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Edward Bellamy, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and H. G. Wells to John Rawls, Robert Nozick, Fredric Jameson, Ursula Le Guin, Octavia Butler, and Chang-Rae Lee. The book offers a vital reconsideration of what it really means to imagine an ideal society.
Michael W. McConnell
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691207520
- eISBN:
- 9780691211992
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691207520.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
One of the most vexing questions for the framers of the Constitution was how to create a vigorous and independent executive without making him king. In today's divided public square, presidential ...
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One of the most vexing questions for the framers of the Constitution was how to create a vigorous and independent executive without making him king. In today's divided public square, presidential power has never been more contested. This book cuts through the partisan rancor to reveal what the Constitution really tells us about the powers of the president. The book provides a comprehensive account of the drafting of presidential powers. Because the framers met behind closed doors and left no records of their deliberations, close attention must be given to their successive drafts. The book shows how the framers worked from a mental list of the powers of the British monarch, and consciously decided which powers to strip from the presidency to avoid tyranny. It examines each of these powers in turn, explaining how they were understood at the time of the founding, and goes on to provide a framework for evaluating separation-of-powers claims, distinguishing between powers that are subject to congressional control and those in which the president has full discretion. Based on the Tanner Lectures at Princeton University, the book restores the original vision of the framers, showing how the Constitution restrains the excesses of an imperial presidency while empowering the executive to govern effectively.Less
One of the most vexing questions for the framers of the Constitution was how to create a vigorous and independent executive without making him king. In today's divided public square, presidential power has never been more contested. This book cuts through the partisan rancor to reveal what the Constitution really tells us about the powers of the president. The book provides a comprehensive account of the drafting of presidential powers. Because the framers met behind closed doors and left no records of their deliberations, close attention must be given to their successive drafts. The book shows how the framers worked from a mental list of the powers of the British monarch, and consciously decided which powers to strip from the presidency to avoid tyranny. It examines each of these powers in turn, explaining how they were understood at the time of the founding, and goes on to provide a framework for evaluating separation-of-powers claims, distinguishing between powers that are subject to congressional control and those in which the president has full discretion. Based on the Tanner Lectures at Princeton University, the book restores the original vision of the framers, showing how the Constitution restrains the excesses of an imperial presidency while empowering the executive to govern effectively.
Vadim Kaloshin and Ke Zhang
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691202525
- eISBN:
- 9780691204932
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691202525.001.0001
- Subject:
- Physics, Theoretical, Computational, and Statistical Physics
Arnold diffusion, which concerns the appearance of chaos in classical mechanics, is one of the most important problems in the fields of dynamical systems and mathematical physics. Since it was ...
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Arnold diffusion, which concerns the appearance of chaos in classical mechanics, is one of the most important problems in the fields of dynamical systems and mathematical physics. Since it was discovered by Vladimir Arnold in 1963, it has attracted the efforts of some of the most prominent researchers in mathematics. The question is whether a typical perturbation of a particular system will result in chaotic or unstable dynamical phenomena. This book provides the first complete proof of Arnold diffusion, demonstrating that that there is topological instability for typical perturbations of five-dimensional integrable systems (two and a half degrees of freedom). This proof realizes a plan John Mather announced in 2003 but was unable to complete before his death. The book follows Mather's strategy but emphasizes a more Hamiltonian approach, tying together normal forms theory, hyperbolic theory, Mather theory, and weak KAM theory. Offering a complete, clean, and modern explanation of the steps involved in the proof, and a clear account of background material, the book is designed to be accessible to students as well as researchers. The result is a critical contribution to mathematical physics and dynamical systems, especially Hamiltonian systems.Less
Arnold diffusion, which concerns the appearance of chaos in classical mechanics, is one of the most important problems in the fields of dynamical systems and mathematical physics. Since it was discovered by Vladimir Arnold in 1963, it has attracted the efforts of some of the most prominent researchers in mathematics. The question is whether a typical perturbation of a particular system will result in chaotic or unstable dynamical phenomena. This book provides the first complete proof of Arnold diffusion, demonstrating that that there is topological instability for typical perturbations of five-dimensional integrable systems (two and a half degrees of freedom). This proof realizes a plan John Mather announced in 2003 but was unable to complete before his death. The book follows Mather's strategy but emphasizes a more Hamiltonian approach, tying together normal forms theory, hyperbolic theory, Mather theory, and weak KAM theory. Offering a complete, clean, and modern explanation of the steps involved in the proof, and a clear account of background material, the book is designed to be accessible to students as well as researchers. The result is a critical contribution to mathematical physics and dynamical systems, especially Hamiltonian systems.
Mark Payne
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691205946
- eISBN:
- 9780691206400
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691205946.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
The literary lineage of postapocalyptic fiction — stories set after civilization's destruction — is a long one, spanning the biblical tale of Noah and Hesiod's Works and Days to the works of Mary ...
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The literary lineage of postapocalyptic fiction — stories set after civilization's destruction — is a long one, spanning the biblical tale of Noah and Hesiod's Works and Days to the works of Mary Shelley, Octavia Butler, Cormac McCarthy, and many others. Traveling from antiquity to the present, this book reveals how postapocalyptic fiction differs from other genres — pastoral poetry, science fiction, and the maroon narrative — that also explore human capabilities beyond the constraints of civilization. The book places postapocalyptic fiction into conversation with such theorists as Aristotle, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Claude Lévi-Strauss, and Carl Schmitt, illustrating how the genre functions as political theory in fictional form. It shows that rather than argue for a particular way of life, postapocalyptic literature reveals what it would be like to inhabit that life. It considers the genre's appeal in our own historical moment, contending that this fiction is the pastoral of our time. Whereas the pastoralist and the maroon could escape to real-world hills and fashion their own versions of freedom, on a fully owned and occupied Earth, only an apocalyptic event can create a space where such freedoms are feasible once again. The book looks at how fictional narratives set after the world's devastation represent new conditions and possibilities for life and humanity.Less
The literary lineage of postapocalyptic fiction — stories set after civilization's destruction — is a long one, spanning the biblical tale of Noah and Hesiod's Works and Days to the works of Mary Shelley, Octavia Butler, Cormac McCarthy, and many others. Traveling from antiquity to the present, this book reveals how postapocalyptic fiction differs from other genres — pastoral poetry, science fiction, and the maroon narrative — that also explore human capabilities beyond the constraints of civilization. The book places postapocalyptic fiction into conversation with such theorists as Aristotle, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Claude Lévi-Strauss, and Carl Schmitt, illustrating how the genre functions as political theory in fictional form. It shows that rather than argue for a particular way of life, postapocalyptic literature reveals what it would be like to inhabit that life. It considers the genre's appeal in our own historical moment, contending that this fiction is the pastoral of our time. Whereas the pastoralist and the maroon could escape to real-world hills and fashion their own versions of freedom, on a fully owned and occupied Earth, only an apocalyptic event can create a space where such freedoms are feasible once again. The book looks at how fictional narratives set after the world's devastation represent new conditions and possibilities for life and humanity.
Andy Baker, Barry Ames, and Lúcio Rennó
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691205779
- eISBN:
- 9780691205793
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691205779.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
In Latin America's new democracies, political parties and mass partisanship are not deeply entrenched, leaving many votes up for grabs during election campaigns. In a typical presidential election ...
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In Latin America's new democracies, political parties and mass partisanship are not deeply entrenched, leaving many votes up for grabs during election campaigns. In a typical presidential election season, between one-quarter and one-half of all voters change their voting intentions across party lines in the months before election day. Advancing a new theory of Latin American voting behavior, this book argues that political discussions within informal social networks among family members, friends, neighbors, coworkers, and acquaintances explain this volatility and exert a major influence on final voting choices. The book shows that weakly committed voters defer to their politically knowledgeable peers, creating vast amounts of preference change as political campaigns unfold. Peer influences also matter for unwavering voters, who tend to have social contacts that reinforce their voting intentions. Social influence increases political conformity among voters within neighborhoods, states, and even entire regions, and the authors illustrate how party machines use the social topography of electorates to buy off well-connected voters who can magnify the impact of the payoff. The book demonstrates how everyday communication shapes political outcomes in Latin America's less-institutionalized democracies.Less
In Latin America's new democracies, political parties and mass partisanship are not deeply entrenched, leaving many votes up for grabs during election campaigns. In a typical presidential election season, between one-quarter and one-half of all voters change their voting intentions across party lines in the months before election day. Advancing a new theory of Latin American voting behavior, this book argues that political discussions within informal social networks among family members, friends, neighbors, coworkers, and acquaintances explain this volatility and exert a major influence on final voting choices. The book shows that weakly committed voters defer to their politically knowledgeable peers, creating vast amounts of preference change as political campaigns unfold. Peer influences also matter for unwavering voters, who tend to have social contacts that reinforce their voting intentions. Social influence increases political conformity among voters within neighborhoods, states, and even entire regions, and the authors illustrate how party machines use the social topography of electorates to buy off well-connected voters who can magnify the impact of the payoff. The book demonstrates how everyday communication shapes political outcomes in Latin America's less-institutionalized democracies.
Nicola Miller
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691176758
- eISBN:
- 9780691185835
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691176758.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
The rise of nation-states is a hallmark of the modern age, yet we are still untangling how the phenomenon unfolded across the globe. This book offers new insights into the process of nation-making ...
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The rise of nation-states is a hallmark of the modern age, yet we are still untangling how the phenomenon unfolded across the globe. This book offers new insights into the process of nation-making through an account of nineteenth-century Latin America, where, it argues, the identity of nascent republics was molded through previously underappreciated means: the creation and sharing of knowledge. Drawing evidence from Argentina, Chile, and Peru, the book traces the histories of these countries from the early 1800s, as they gained independence, to their centennial celebrations in the twentieth century. It identifies how public exchange of ideas affected policymaking, the emergence of a collective identity, and more. It finds that instead of defining themselves through language or culture, these new nations united citizens under the promise of widespread access to modern information. The book challenges the narrative that modernization was a strictly North Atlantic affair, demonstrating that knowledge traveled both ways between Latin America and Europe. And it looks at how certain forms of knowledge came to be seen as more legitimate and valuable than others, both locally and globally; suggesting that all modern nations can be viewed as communities of shared knowledge, a perspective with the power to reshape our conception of the very basis of nationhood. The book opens new avenues for understanding the histories of modern nations — and the foundations of modernity — the world over.Less
The rise of nation-states is a hallmark of the modern age, yet we are still untangling how the phenomenon unfolded across the globe. This book offers new insights into the process of nation-making through an account of nineteenth-century Latin America, where, it argues, the identity of nascent republics was molded through previously underappreciated means: the creation and sharing of knowledge. Drawing evidence from Argentina, Chile, and Peru, the book traces the histories of these countries from the early 1800s, as they gained independence, to their centennial celebrations in the twentieth century. It identifies how public exchange of ideas affected policymaking, the emergence of a collective identity, and more. It finds that instead of defining themselves through language or culture, these new nations united citizens under the promise of widespread access to modern information. The book challenges the narrative that modernization was a strictly North Atlantic affair, demonstrating that knowledge traveled both ways between Latin America and Europe. And it looks at how certain forms of knowledge came to be seen as more legitimate and valuable than others, both locally and globally; suggesting that all modern nations can be viewed as communities of shared knowledge, a perspective with the power to reshape our conception of the very basis of nationhood. The book opens new avenues for understanding the histories of modern nations — and the foundations of modernity — the world over.
A Course in Microeconomic Theory
The Large-Scale Structure of the Universe
Principles of Physical Cosmology
Quantum Mechanics
Comparing the Literatures
Cosmology's Century
Democratic Federalism
France before 1789
